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Posted: March 3rd, 2024
Language Analysis of Leave Voters in Brexit and Personal Accountability
Qualitative Report
Topic: Discursive psychology approach to
‘Constructing Brexit’
Introduction
Aim of this research is to study personal accountability and how it is managed from the informant’s perspective using semi-structured, naturally occurring data. As accountability is often managed through talk and discussions with other people, a discursive psychological framework will be used to provide a non-cognitivist approach to analysis and look in detail at how voters themselves make sense of Brexit as a practical activity and how personal accountability is managed through a common sequence of actions within a particular cultural and historical context (Horton-Salway, 2001). In other words, we aim to answer the following question: “How personal accountability for the consequences of Brexit is being managed by ‘leave’ voters?”
Method
The material chosen for our research comes from a British radio call-in programme (LBC – Leading British Conversation), hosted by James O’Brien (referred to as J in transcriptions). Data collection was focused on a series of calls made by ‘leave’ voters (referred to as C in transcriptions) during which they were asked to provide reasons for voting in favour of Brexit. Semi-structured interview data was selected to ensure respondents’ opinions and realities are truly reflected as their own, rather than overly influenced by the interviewer’s terms (Jones, 1985). Considering the callers willingly called the radio show, it can be assumed that they have provided a form of consent, allowing their opinions to be known to the general public.
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Analytical process consisted of selecting 5 different call-in
discussions, with particular focus on a range of accountability claims provided
by callers. All callers voted in favour of Brexit and the majority still firmly
stood behind their vote on the day of the discussion. Calls took place in the
period after the 2016 referendum (i.e. between October 2016 and December 2017).
To collect the data, each group member analysed a 5-minute video of a different
discussion. Basic verbatim transcriptions of the selected video clips were
produced and read by all group members to ensure inter-rater reliability.
Working with the verbatim transcriptions and the proposed research question, the
group collectively selected 15-20 lines per group member to be transcribed in
more detail, using the Jefferson’s notation (Jefferson, 2004; see appendix). Extracts
were selected on the basis of appropriateness and re-occurring common patterns of
distinct social actions which when combined, give rise to psychological concept
of managing personal accountability.
Analysis
Establishing credibility
A common feature identified
in all extracts is that callers’ statements preceding their main argument act
to establish credibility and provide warrant for the legitimacy of subsequent
claims. This is accomplished through stating area of residence, personal
attributes and other relevant experiences. These statements serve as category
entitlement, portraying the caller as part of a group that is qualified to talk
about Brexit (Wiggins, 2016).
Extract 1: British male caller, ex-forces
1 C: [I feel like I’m::] (.hhh) I feel like I’m:: (.)
articulate I’m well-read (0.4)
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2 but (0.2) to
be:: >to be< sucked in by these lies
u::m I mean I’m ex-forces and
3 I thought
(.hhh) you know what u::m it’s almost as if it’s to be patriotic
4 J: [Yes]
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5 C: you’ve got to vote Brexit
6 J: Yes
7 C: Um I love the NHS:: but you know to love the NHS you got to
vote Brexit
Extract 2: British male caller, Harrow local
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1 C: I live in Harr:ow: (.)
2 J: yeah
3 C: >When I go down< to Harr:ow: (0.5) ↑ and this is not
being racist
4 James (.)
because that term (.) is ↑ s::o:: easily :u:sed (.)
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5 > and very
loosely used< (0.4) When I go down to harrow
6 (0.4) and
I’ve lived here for <thirty years> (.) and I walk into
7 Harrow
shopping centre (0.5) and > I ↑ swear to god < (.)
8 I don’t know
where I am (0.4) I:ve: got (.) Polish (.) Romanians (.) Bulgarians
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9 >sitting
outside coffee houses< (.) doing ↑ sod all < ↓ all day > (.)
Extract 5: British male caller, ex-emigrant
15 C: We:::ll (.) uh uh (h)the way I look at it is
16 <I lived in
Austalia> for a few years an [
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17 J: ^ Where
18 C: ] it uuh (.) Australia
19 A::nd if I
wanted to go back to Australia (.) I would have to
20 prove I speak
E:nglish (.) have a certain amount in the bank (.)
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21 I’d have to
have medical tests (.)
22 hhhh i’d have
to have a skill (.) >what was on a list (.) that
23 they
ne::ed< (.) um
24 And why can’t
we apply them things ^ here
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In extract 1, caller establishes his credibility as a local resident by stating “I live in Harrow:” (2:1) and “I’ve lived here for thirty years” (2:6). This provides him with a credible stance to comment on the effects of UK’s EU membership on his town, which is further supported with the second statement, emphasising the duration of residency. Similarly, in extract 2, caller establishes his identity by stating his personal traits: “…I’m articulate, I’m well-read” (1:1), previous occupation: “I’m ex-forces” (1:2), and patriotic preferences: “I love the NHS” (1:7). Through expressing favourable personal traits, he constructs his identity as being knowledgeable and adds credit to his subsequent claims. Further, expressed occupation and (typically) British preference portraits him as credible patriot with love and respect for his country, increasing credibility and legitimacy of his voting decision. Likewise, in extract 5, caller establishes credibility to comment on immigration as one of the issues related to UK’s EU membership by categorising himself as a past immigrant: “I lived in Australia (5:16)”. Revealing his personal experiences of living in a foreign country provides him with a credible stance to subsequently compare the immigration policies abroad and in the UK and proposing the lack of organisation regarding the latter as contributing to his voting decision.
Defending with disclaimers
Extract 1: British male caller, ex-forces
22 C: [and now] (.) I don’t I’m not I mean I’m
not a racist my-my partner
23 she’s mixed race u:m my extended
family on her side are
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24 all sorts all different
nationalities you know Canada to Malaysia
Extract 2: Extract 2: British male caller, Harrow local
3 C: >When I go down< to Harr:ow:
(0.5) ↑ and this is not being racist
4 James (.)
because that term (.) is ↑ s::o:: easily :u:sed (.)
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5 > and very
loosely used< (0.4) When I go down to harrow
Extract 4: British male caller, talking about EU laws
16 C: Well I-I believe th-the argument is that there’s multiple
arguments =
17 J: [go on then]
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18 C: = there’s <immigration> there’s you got controlled
immigration >but again<
19 it’s not about
it’s not about you know I’m not a <xenophobic> aight you
20 know I’m not
totally multi-cultural but I got family who lives in America (.)
21 in Bermuda
(.) in-in Spain and =
A commonly observed feature
is the use of disclaimers to defend against potential accusations of racism
(Potter & Wetherell, 2010), which are either constructed using first- or third-person
pronouns; “I’m not a racist” (1:22), “I’m not a xenophobic” (4:19) and “this is
not being racist” (2:3). Notably, the use of third-person pronoun “this” rather
than “I”, further distances the caller from any potential racial attitudes. Following
the initial disclaimer, callers provide additional evidence to emphasize
affiliation with foreign people, which serves further to mitigate racist
accusations. Additional disclaimers do not relate to characteristics of callers
but rather those closely related to them and nevertheless serve to deny racial
bias: “my partner she’s mixed race” (1:22&23) and “I got family who lives
in America in Bermuda in-in Spain” (4:20&21). The use of three-part list
here conveys generality, further emphasising the point and increasing
factuality (Wiggins, 2016). Combined use of a disclaimer and additional
evidence hence defends against accusations of racial bias.
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Assigning blame with negative assessments
Extract 2: British male caller, Harrow resident
6 (0.4) and
I’ve lived here for <thirty years> (.) and I walk into
7 Harrow
shopping centre (0.5) and > I ↑ swear to god < (.)
8 I don’t know
where I am (0.4) I:ve: got (.) Polish (.) Romanians (.) Bulgarians
9 >sitting
outside coffee houses< (.) doing ↑ sod all < ↓ all day > (.)
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Extract 4: British male caller, talking about EU laws
33 J: so just in terms of actually in
Pinner and the damage that uncontrolled mass
34 immigration
has done to your life (.) just give
35 me the
headlines
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36 C: Um:: walking-walking
through the the city centre and seeing and
37 seeing mobs of
um (1) of >immigrants< not willing to integrate not willing to =
Personal accountability is often reduced through
assigning blame through negative assessments, which act to hold others accountable
for their own casted vote. For example, callers negatively label immigrants and
political campaigners, contrasting the negative “other” from the positive “self”.
Immigrants are typically characterised as lazy, anti-social and redundant:
“sitting outside coffee houses doing sod all all day” (2:9)
and “mobs of um immigrants not willing to integrate” (4:37). The use of script
form portrays the actions of immigrants as re-occurring and generalizable to
the entire group (Wetherell & Potter, 1992), constructing a negative label
which provides a justifiable reason for their voting decision.
Extract 1: British male caller, ex-forces
1 C: [I feel like I’m::] (.hhh) I feel like I’m:: (.)
articulate I’m well-read (0.4)
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2 but (0.2) to
be:: >to be< sucked in by these lies
u::m I mean I’m ex-forces and
3 I thought
(.hhh) you know what u::m it’s almost as if it’s to be patriotic
4 J: [Yes]
5 C: you’ve got to vote Brexit
6 J: Yes
7 C: Um I love the NHS:: but you know to love the NHS you got to
vote Brexit
8 ‘because we
we’re gonna give all this money to them’ (0.4)
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9 but also I
feel let down by the remain campaign
10 J: Yes
11 C: Because throughout the whole of >the-the-the< campaign
remain
12 (.hhh) o::r or
leave or for Brexit all I ever saw was the Brexit
13 campaign (0.2)
Why didn’t the remain campaign step up
14 J: (.hhh)
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15 C: and (.) try harder?
Similarly, ‘leave’ campaign
is presented as misleading with the metaphor: “sucked in by
these lies” (1:2) and reported speech: “we’re gonna give all this money to them”. Conversely,
‘remain’ campaign is presented as passive and insufficient with an extreme case
formulation: “all I ever saw was the Brexit campaign” (1:12&13) taken even
further with a rhetorical question “why didn’t the remain campaign step up and
try harder?” (1:13&15). These devices serve to take the agency away from
the caller (Wiggins, 2016), shifting blame and thus accountability to campaigners.
Avoiding first-person pronouns & using normative statements
In their main argument, callers often mitigate personal accountability by
using passive agent-subject distinctions, avoiding first-person pronouns,
turning to normative statements and portraying consensus. Avoidance of active-agent,
detailed, first-person accounts reduces the likelihood of being held
accountable for their voting decision and makes it harder for their views to be
directly challenged. The use of normative statements and consensus building
through emphasising the actions and opinions of others directly reduces
personal accountability and disperses it among many (Edwards, 2003).
Extract 1: British male caller, ex-forces
3 and I thought
(.hhh) you know what u::m it’s almost as if it’s to be patriotic
4 J: [Yes]
5 C: you’ve got to vote Brexit
6 J: Yes
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7 C: Um I love the NHS:: but you know to love the NHS you got to
vote Brexit
8 ‘because we
we’re gonna give all this money to them’ (0.4)
Extract 4: British male caller, talking about EU laws
5 C: = I mean (.) well y-you watch a Bruss- You watc – You go to-
um (.) Brussels y::ou
6 watch the guys
talking >i-it’s °all very< (1.1) i::it’s very political and it’s very I
mean
[few
lines emitted]
23 C: Yea well (.) immigrants are fine you know i-it’s there’s
nothing wrong you know
24 their the same
as me and you
25 looking for
the best future for their family (.h) But
26 it’s not about
that i-it’s about the control its about our p-our ↑prime minister↓ having
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27 not having
to succumb to the EU saying that he-or she
28 can’t do anything
I mean it’s the fact that we (.) you know (.hhh)
For example: “to be patriotic you’ve got to vote Brexit” (1:3&5), and
“to love the NHS you got to vote Brexit” (1:7). The use of a passive second-person
pronoun along with imperative voice implies that not only the caller, but all
British citizens had no choice other than to vote ‘leave’. Through the use of
agent-subject distinction, the caller characterises himself as a passive
subject, lacking free will, further mitigating his level of accountability
(Wiggins, 2016). Distancing oneself from one’s views through pronoun shifts is
rather common in that callers rarely finish an argument which they start off
with a first-person pronoun. For example, in extract 4, caller begins his argument
with a first-person pronoun but quickly shifts to a third-person pronoun: “I-it’s
very political” (4:6) and “I-it’s about the control” (4:26). Avoiding the use
of first-person pronoun not only reduces personal accountability but also prevents
the host from challenging the caller’s views as those are not explicitly
stated.
Extract 2: British male caller, Harrow resident
54 C: The manager said to me (.)°‘we have to reflect (.) the local
community’° (0.8)
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55 and the point
I’m trying to make James <And you’re you you you’re tryna
56 um um um
57 To a degree
defend me um um but to attack me> (.) IS THAT RIGHT
58 JAMES
59 J: [(inaudible) (3) Mate it it]
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60 C: >THAT IS WHY PEOPLE HAVE VOTED OUT OF EUROPE<
The effects of using third-person pronouns is further amplified with the
use of consensual, normative statements which construct a factual reality involving
others, rather than just the caller. For example, in extract 2, caller finishes
his argument with a factual account: “THAT IS WHY PEOPLE HAVE VOTED OUT OF
EUROPE” (2:60). The use of the word “people” and a third-person plural noun
“have”, portraits the caller as part of a larger group of ‘leave’ voters. The
statement is reported as if many people are in agreement with Brexit, providing
consensus, reducing Brexit-associated stigma and adding to the factuality of
his account. Since many people are in agreement, accountability is dispersed
among them, directly reducing caller’s personal accountability as the provided reason
for voting is held and grounded in the external rather than internal world
(Edwards, 2003).
Conclusion
The analysis shows that ‘leave’ voters manage
personal accountability for their voting decision through a common sequence of
actions. First, identity and credibility are established through the use of
category entitlements. Second, disclaimers are used to defend against potential
accusations. Third, accountability is shifted away from oneself by assigning
blame to other Brexit stakeholders through negative assessments. Lastly,
personal accountability for one’s views is mitigated by avoiding first-person
pronouns and making use of consensual, normative statements.
Potential limitations of this research could lie in the methodological
approach of using radio call-in programmes for data collection. Potential
issues include the rather similar demographics of the callers (i.e. male, middle-aged,
British citizen, lower-to-middle class, leave voter), the caller selection
process conducted by the radio station and the unequal distribution of power in
a phone-in discourse. To further develop this research, naturally occurring
data (e.g. face-to-face interactions) should be used, along with a more varied
sample.
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Bibliography
- Edwards, D. (2003). Analyzing racial discourse: The discursive psychology of mind-world relationships. In H. van den Berg, H. Houtcoup-Steenstra, & M. Wetherell (Eds.), Analyzing race talk: Multidisciplinary approaches to the interview (pp. 31-48). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
- Horton-Salway, M. (2001). Narrative Identities and the Management of Personal Accountability in Talk about ME: A Discursive Psychology Approach to Illness Narrative. Journal Of Health Psychology, 6(2), 247-259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135910530100600210
- Jefferson, G. (2004). Glossary of transcript symbols with an introduction. In G. H. Lerner (Ed.), Conversation analysis: Studies from the first generation (pp. 13–31). Amsterdam, the Netherlands: John Benjamins.
- Jones, Sue (1985). Depth Interviewing. In: Walker, Robert (ed) (1985). Applied Qualitative Research. Aldershot, UK: Gower. pp 45-55
- Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (2010). Discourse and social psychology. London u.a.: Sage.
- Wetherell, M., & Potter, J. (1992). Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the legitimation of exploitation. Hemel Hempstead, England: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
- Wiggins, S. (2017). Discursive psychology: Theory, method and applications.
Collaboration
Data extracts were gathered and transcribed in collaboration with B079415,
B087293, B079800 and B085684.
Appendix
Extract 1
1 C: [I feel like I’m::] (.hhh) I feel like
I’m:: (.) articulate I’m well-read (0.4)
2 but
(0.2) to be:: >to be< sucked in by these lies u::m I mean I’m ex-forces
3 and
I thought (.hhh) you know what u::m it’s almost as if it’s to be patriotic
4 J: [Yes]
5 C: you’ve got to vote Brexit
6 J: Yes
7 C: Um I love the NHS:: but you know to
love the NHS you got to vote Brexit
8 ‘because
we we’re gonna give all this money to them’ (0.4)
9 but
also I feel let down by the remain campaign
10 J: Yes
11 C: Because throughout the whole of
>the-the-the< campaign remain
12 (.hhh)
o::r or leave or for Brexit all I ever saw was the Brexit
13 campaign
(0.2) Why didn’t the remain campaign step up
14 J: (.hhh)
15 C: and (.) try harder?
16 J: Presumably an awful lot of people who
just voted to leave and went
17 ‘Oh
hang on a minute (.) what have we done?’(0.2)
18 C: I was one of those people James!
19 Secretly
thinking back now I wanted to be that
20 pe:rson
when we’d stayed in Europe to sa:y
>‘Well I voted out’<.
21 J: Yeah (.) <Ye:ah> I see
22 C: [and now] (.) I don’t I’m not I mean
I’m not a racist my-my partner
23 she’s
mixed race u:m my extended family on her side are
24 all
sorts all different nationalities you know Canada to Malaysia
Extract 2
1 C: I live in Harr:ow: (.)
2 J: yeah
3 C: >When I go down< to Harr:ow:
(0.5) ↑ and this is not being racist
4 James
(.) because that term (.) is ↑ s::o:: easily :u:sed (.)
5 >
and very loosely used< (0.4) When I go down to harrow
6 (0.4)
and I’ve lived here for <thirty years> (.) and I walk into
7 Harrow
shopping centre (0.5) and > I ↑ swear to god < (.)
8 I
don’t know where I am (0.4) I:ve: got (.) Polish (.) Romanians (.)Bulgarians
9 >sitting
outside coffee houses< (.) doing ↑ sod all < ↓ all day > (.)
10 J: Right
11 C: I’ve got (1.2) ↑ e:ver:y =
12 J: aye =
13 C: >nationality< under the sun (0.5)
and I’ve (.) it’s lost
14 lost
its↑ identity (.h) (0.8) when I go into Northwick Park Hos:pit:al (.)
15 and
↓ I was in there two three Sundays ago because I
16 had
to go in an emergency (.)↑ I walked into the (.) into the (.)
17 um
(.) accident and emergency as I (.) as I said to your
18 res:ear:cher
(0.4) >a hundred and twenty people in there and I was
19 lucky
if I saw< <three or four> ↑ white faces (1.0)↑it’s It’s okay if ya
live =
20 J: <Now that is racist> =
21 C: No (.) no ↑ it’s =
22 J: No that last bit :i:s =
23 C: ↑It is is <rea::li::stic>
24 It’s
not all about (0.5) It’s not all about the racist issue
25 it’s
just about the fact that the country (0.5) has lost its identity
26 J: ↑What does that mean
27 C: And that (.) Well wha-what does that
mean it means that (0.8) what I’ve just
28 said (.) that
29 J: You don’t (.) you’ve just said that
you don’t like seeing brown faces at the
30 hospital
31 C: Okay (.) no (.) <is it is it>
right then Ja::mes
32 <let’s
give another example right I might be digging myself a big hole (.)
33 but>
34 J: I’ll pull you out mate (.) I promise
35 C: Right (.) right (.) but (0.5) the point
I’m tryna make
36 ↑If
you if you ↓went down to my local (1.0) and I’ll give you an absolu:te
37 point here
38 if
you went down to my local (0.5) supermarket ↑I won’t name which one it
39 i:s (.) ↑okay
40 J: ↓Ye:ah
41 C: <And one of my sons tried to get a
job down or two of my sons tried to get a
42 job down
43 there
a few years when they were in between> univ:ersity (.)
44 and
goin’ into a um um um and goin’ from college to university (1.5)
45 >↑at
one point Ja:mes (.) there was twenty three tills open< (0.5)
46 >and
twenty two of them (0.8) ¬¬¬↑okay had<
47 J: [°Yes mate°]
48 C: >Had um Indians or Pakistani people
(.) now<
49 J: [°But we are talking about the
European Union Steve°]
50 C: ↓Yes (.) <¬¬¬↑but no but what I’m
tryna say (.) James is this is where it’s all
51 coming from>
52 ¬¬¬(.)
↑and when I mentioned this to the manager (0.5) okay
53 J: [°Oh (.) chri:st (hhh)°]
54 C: The manager said to me (.)°‘we have to
reflect (.) the local community’° (0.8)
55 and
the point I’m trying to make James <And you’re you you you’re tryna
56 um um um
57 To
a degree defend me um um but to attack me> (.) IS THAT RIGHT
58 JAMES
59 J: [(inaudible) (3) Mate it it]
60 C: >THAT IS WHY PEOPLE HAVE VOTED OUT
OF EUROPE<
Extract 3
1 C: I recently went self-employed a couple
of years ago (1) u:m so it was a big
2 thing voting
Brexit
3 because
I was building my business with client base etcetera (.) um but I
4 think
it’s all going to be short term um
5 J: Wh-wh-what business are you in if you
don’t mind me asking?
6 C: Um eh I’m a self-employed electrician
um although we just and um um we’re
7 getting
bigger and bigger as the weeks go by – but you know I-I
8 J: Wh-what’s going to be short term
actually?
9 C: Um um personal loss (.) personal
financial loss
10 J: Oh (.) but they did (.) but to be fair
before the vote they did tell you that
11 there
wouldn’t be any
12 C: (2) Uh well I think um well I (.) I
wasn’t (.) I was never naive to the fact that
13 there
would be uh I mean I believe that there would be and I was willing to
14 take that sacrifice just
for the for the independence and the um just
15 you
know so that we control our own la::ws
Extract 4
1 J: [So(.)so] you ↑voted↓ so that you
wouldn’t have to obey these EU laws that
2 you can’t name? (.)
3 C: ↑No no↓ it’s-it’s-it’s more than that
it’s-it’s=
4 J: Well go on then
5 C: = I mean (.) well y-you watch a Bruss-
You watc – You go to- um (.) Brussels
6 y::ou
watch the guys talking >i-it’s °all very< (1.1) i::it’s very political
and
7 it’s
very I mean they have-they have thrown out Tories out the pram because
8 we
you know the British people chose to leave um and you know it’s ↑it’s
9 like baking a cake
taking it into work and someone say that they
10 don’t
want a ↓slice and you get ↑all upset about it I mean it’s (.) it’s(.)
11 J: Wh-wh-what ↑a-at what point↓ th::is
mirror that I am holding up that you are
12 looking at =
13 C: [yea]
14 J: = ↑at what point↓ are you going to
recognise what you are seeing in the
15 reflection
you’re seeing a man who hasn’t got an argument↓ (1)
16 C: Well I-I believe th-the argument is
that there’s multiple arguments =
17 J: [go on then]
18 C: = there’s <immigration> there’s
you got controlled immigration >but again<
19 it’s
not about it’s not about you know I’m not a <xenophobic> aight you
20 know
I’m not totally multi-cultural but I got family who lives in America (.)
21
in Bermuda (.) in-in Spain and =
22 J: And all immigrants? (1.1)
23 C: Yea well (.) immigrants are fine you
know i-it’s there’s nothing wrong you
24 know
their the same as me and you looking for the best future for their family
25 (.h)
But it’s not about that i-it’s about the control its about our p-our ↑prime
26 minister↓
having not having to succumb to the EU saying that he- or she
27 can’t
do anything I mean it’s the fact that we (.) you know (.hhh)
28 J: H::OW has immigration damaged your life would you say? In its current
29 form↓
30 C: Well obviously being a, being in trade,
immigration is-has pulled prices
31 J: [No not-not-not-not-not] for
electricians (.) a-all skilled labours actually are
32 in
shortage at the moment (.) that’s one of the reasons we can’t build as many
33 houses as we need to (.) so just in terms of
actually in Pinner and the
34 damage
that uncontrolled mass immigration has done to your life (.) just give
35 me the headlines
36 C: Um::
walking-walking through the the city centre and seeing and
37 seeing
mobs of um (1) of >immigrants< not willing to integrate not willing to
38 J: ↑Well you don’t↓ like the mobs in the
middle of town do you↑
Extract 5
1 C: I believe it’s not bout economics (.)
arr arr
2 It’s
soley about migration (.) um an if um hhhhh
3 ^
if there is a slight down turn (.) then it’s a small price to
4 pay
for controlling your own borders and having your own laws
5 J: And when (.) when you (.) have it
explained to you
6 Under
(.) European union law that it’s (.) perfectly per-
7 Permissible
to deport people from other European countries if they
8 fail
to find work here after three months
9 Or
if they can’t prove (.) hhhh that they’ve got sufficient
10 capital
to sustain their lifestyle here
11 So
when when (.) >when it’s explained to you< factually
12 That
the whole controlling our border argument was ^ utterly bogus
13 Just
go to Belgium(.) set yourself up over there (0.2) as a brit
14 Hhhh
then what happens
15 C: We:::ll (.) uh uh (h)the way I look at
it is
16 <i
lived in Austalia> for a few years an [
17 J: ^ Where
18 C: ] it uuh (.) Australia
19 A::nd
if i wanted to go back to Australia (.) i would have to
20 prove
i speak E:nglish (.) have a certain amount in the bank (.)
21 i’d
have to have medical tests (.)
22 hhhh
i’d have to have a skill (.) >what was on a list (.) that
23 they
ne::ed< (.) um
24 And
why can’t we apply them things ^ here
25 J: Yiis well ub ub you must have
misunderstood my ^ question
26 I’ve
just told you we ^ can (0.2)
27 <that
they do in Belgium (.) they do in Germany>
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