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Posted: July 7th, 2022
An investigation into the extent the 2002 Manchester Commonwealth Games has provided a successful legacy of socio-economic regeneration for the communities within the East Manchester wards of Ancoats and Clayton, Bradford and Gorton North.
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Sport led regeneration is the concept of using major sporting events in order to improve policies on urban economic development as well as social integration and solidarity. Sport led regeneration has been a significant tool used by governments and is often a major factor in a country’s pursuit of securing an international sporting event, such as the FIFA World Cup, the Olympics or the Commonwealth Games. Often with major sporting events, a pre determined plan for regeneration is a vital part of the bidding process. However the Commonwealth Games do not require an integrated regenerative plan within a cities bid. The Games have had a lasting legacy within the city centre, but there is a need for an investigation within Ancoats and Clayton, Bradford, and Gorton to assess the regeneration here and whether it has been catalysed by the Commonwealth Games of 2002. It is disputed whether mega sporting events truly have the desired outcome that is expected of them.
In 1999, local residents of east Manchester conceived the slogan ‘Beacons for a Brighter Future’ in order to epitomise the areas bids for both the New Deal for Communities and Single Regeneration Budget Funding. The beacons of the area was a warning that the district was in critical danger of decline, additionally it also represents the hope of the residents that positive news will come if their hard work is rewarded with needed investment for the area (Grant 2010).
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This chapter is a review of relevant literature, exploring key themes surrounding the topic of Regeneration in East Manchester as well as the contribution to regeneration through major sporting events. My key research questions have arisen and have been shaped by the discussed literature. The discussed literature provides a key insight into my area of study, with the work of Camilla Lewis in the East Manchester area of Beswick providing the most significant relevant contribution to my research. According to Smith and Fox (2007), Manchester has been “a city at the forefront of UK regeneration since the late 1980s”.
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Within major events, regeneration is categorised as an integral part of the associated legacy programme and a single agreed upon definition is often disputed. The complexity and dynamism of regeneration projects and the processes they involve has culminated in a multitude of definitions on offer. Sykes and Roberts (2000:17) stated that regeneration is a way to combat major urban problems, for the long term, defining it as:
“comprehensive and integrated vision and action which leads to the resolution of urban problems and which seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change”
Through critique, Turok (2005) has provided an enhancement upon this definition by clarifying that not all urban regeneration is comprehensible, and often some urban problems cannot be resolved, identifying urban regeneration has three distinguishing features: changing the nature of place in order to increase community involvement, an establishment of partnership between stakeholders and finally the embracing of multiple activities and objectives that intersect the main functional responsibility of the central government, depending upon the specific problems and challenges of the area (Turok, 2005). Hausner (1993) supports both the suggestions of Turok (2005) and Sykes and Roberts (2000), adding that a successful regeneration process cannot be fragmented, short term or project based without an overall strategic plan for complete city wide development. However, Tallon (2010) recognises that in reality, regeneration often operates in a divided manner, where not all problems are solved or projects completed. This in in direct contrast to the previous scholars mentioned, who have all taken the position of assuming that when a regenerative process is initiated, it always reaches completion.
Urban Regeneration has become an augmented policy initiative within the UK since the 1990’s, being deployed in areas of decline and degeneration in order to provide revitalisation and renewal in these challenging urban environments (Tallon, 2013). The differenciation between traditional urban policy and regeneration, centres around the distinctive attribute that aims to reverse urban decline (Smith, 2012). This is especially considerable, as Manchester around the period of the 1990s had developed into a “basket case” due to the decline of industry.
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The previous coalition government within the UK were major advocates for the use of regeneration, more specifically locally driven regeneration to enable growth. Prioritising the the health of the national economy, as a economic growth is key to the preservation and development of a plethora of factors.
Communities have significant roles throughout the whole process of regeneration, with Carmelina Bevilacqua, Jusy Calabro and Carla Maione (2013) supporting this idea through their research carried out on US cities, discussing the role of communities and to the extent they retain a significant position within regeneration (Bevilacqua, et al., 2013). They were able to show that communities that were involved within the regeneration process often yielded the most valuable regeneration assets.
Figure 1-Community involvement and Public-Private Partnerships relations in implementing successful urban regeneration initiatives.
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Tavakkoli (2016) identified that if a mega sporting event, such as the 2002 Commonwealth Games, isn’t simply seen as a sporting celebration, then it can be claimed that the event will have the opportunity to supply local communities of the host city with socio-cultural prospects. Furthermore, interest for the games has a stronger poignancy within local communities, especially the areas where the host stadia is located within a close proximity; it has the ability to increase a sporting participation, community activities, local pride and community spirit. Within this report, the ideas suggested by Tavakkoli (2016) will be discussed through application in the wards within Manchester. Jarvie (2006) adds that mega events supply motivational opportunity and potential for those who are often shunned by society to become more involved through sport participation
“increased sport participation can begin to understand and comprehend the socially situated nature of their work and prepares a sense of well-being through fun and joy, guiding to self-fulfillment and prosperous, and motivates social interaction and interrelation for those who may feel socially excluded”
Within her research in Beswick, Manchester, Lewis found that in addition to the sporting benefits and greater community involvement, the place value of the area was significant . Local community members within Beswick who lived on an estate owned by Manchester City Football Club were all too well concerned about the future of their estate; with claims the estate had been ear marked for re-development.
Lewis’ (2015) findings reveal indicate that despite the assurances of legacy and significant regeneration, East Manchester remains firmly in a position of dislocation from the rest of the city and the future continues to be shaped and characterised by uncertainty. Furthermore, Lewis (2015) argues that despite studies investigating the redevelopment of East Manchester, this research needs to be extended; to be inclusive of the voices and opinions of local residents, thus will be able to reiterate the deep-seated belief of unease which her research has uncovered.
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This research by Lewis (2015) has been able to inform the research questions of this project; where there is a need to discover within my chosen wards whether these concerns are shared or opposed? Also, how confident of the future are the local communities, and whether the City Council are able to continue or improve the legacy?
It is not uncommon to see the use of major events as powerful tools of regeneration, with many host cities using these events to strategically assist designated areas that have underwent unbalanced industrial decline (Smith & Fox, 2007)
One aspect of the bid is planning to ensure the stadia and the other facilities are not left to become ‘white elphants’. This idea of a white elephant does not relate to the use of the City of Manchester Stadium, which has become a prime example of post games stadium usage. Cities are now unsatisfied hosting a sporting event where their role is simply to accommodate cultural celebrations or athletic exploites, however cities now aim to use sport and major events to achieve urban rejeneration (Smith & Fox, 2007). Regeneration of an area understandably requires economic stimulation, however existing resources and employment cannot be disregarded, which would result in limited social regeneration. Fox and Smith suggest that in order to deliver significantly successful urban regeneration through a major sporting event, it requires efficient and effective co-ordination and contact between all relevant parties: Games Organisers, local businesses, community representatives, local government and operating regeneration teams.
Understandng the key factors that establish the regenerative success of a mega event which Smith and Fox (2007) suggest, can be further evaluated further. Horne (2007) expands to state that for regeneration, mega events provide the opportunity of significant technologial advances, with huge global audiences especially for the world cup and for the olympic games as well as this, many of the sports during the commonwealth games of 2002 were shown on television. These technological advances and wider reception of the sport by a global audience, significantly increases the potentail revenue for the host city, with advertisement and broadcasting rights, highly competitve at mega events. Roche (2000) furthers the topic of tv rights and investment, by placing them in perspective:
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“where the television rights for Montreal 1976 sold for less than US$30 million, only eight years later the rights for the Los Angeles Olympics brought in more than US$240 million, and by Sydney 2000 this had risen to over US$1 billion”
Horne (2007) goes futher to discus sponsorship arrangements. Pre Los Angeles Olympic Games of 1984, international sport sponsorship at mega events was nil. The Los Angeles Olympics became the culmination point in terms of a significant influx of sponsorship money, providing host cities with an extra source of income. Whitson (1998) believes that these sponsorships can provdide spectacular promotional opportunities
The third and final reason suggested by Horne (2007) is the increasing opportunity to market various commercial products, providing a number of new selling channels “of all manner of commercial products”. These channels allow to the host city to connect and showcase themselves to the global audience, attracting tourism as well as outside investment.
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Despite all the benefits and regeneration that mega events can bring, the success on a local scale can provide substantial factors that affect the overall success. Hatherley (2010) opposes the propositions made concerning successful regeneration on this local scale, instead condeming regeneration projects as nothing but vehicles of unessary neoliberalism and gentrification.
??In the time subsequent to the Commonwealth Games, regenerative plans have been used to increase the quality of living for community members in East Manchester. However, in the research carried out by ( Ho, Lewis…not the case) ??
Designed for football fans or locals?
Property prices rising…close proximity to Sport City, stadium and not far from City Centre etc…could this contribute towards gentrification, rather than regeneration.
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legacies???????
look at Davies 2010, Gratton et Al Jobs+ tourist
At the time, the Games held in Manchester was the largest sporting event that had been held within the UK, and as a result, the prospect both an exciting and formidable task for the organisers. During the 1970s and 1980s, Manchester, especially east Manchester, had experienced a period of heavy de-industrialisation, subsequently leading the area into economic down turn, increased unemployment and decrease of population (Bowdin, et al., 2011). Smith and Fox (2007) believe The primary objective of the Games was to combat these issues and prevent the spiral of decline continuing, by creating a leagcy of regeneration within the east of the city, which was the most deprived area of the city (Smith & Fox, 2007). The large investements of capital from central government supported the city’s integrated regenerative strategies, including the creation of an atrractive area for future investors and businesses, infrastructure that would supply the needs of the community and that of sporting proffessionals and wholesome social, economic and environmental regeneration.
Through hosting the games, the council aimed to increase the place market value of manchester as a whole, hoping to be able to show off its strong cultural and industrial heritage and their ability to host a mega sporting event (Carlsen & Taylor, 2003). The Games organisers conceived the New East Manchester Ltd in order to coordinate and be responsible for the development of infrastructure, and the plans for the future use of the facilities created for the Games, including the athletes village and sports stadia (Carlsen & Taylor, 2003).
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Gratton, Shibli and Coleman (2005) claim that the 2002 games, was the first example seen where the planning of a mega sporting event, was completely integrated within strategic framework for regeneration of the city, specifically focussing on East Manchester. One of the initiatives included within the framework set out by the Commonwealth committee was to maximise the economic yield through establishing the Commonwealth Games Opportunities and Legacy Partnership Board. Gratton, Shibli and Coleman (2005) further this by stating the main job of the board was to ensure that the significant positives produced by the games would not disappear once the event was over; hoping that this would continually grow the local economy to support the local regeneration (Gratton, et al., 2005). The research of Gratton et al (2005) was complemented through the release of fundamental data provided by the Annual Business Inquiry (ABI)……SUPPLY DATA….
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00420980500107045
Gratton,( et al. 2005) stated their was an increase of employment of the Games, 23% increase within the construction sector, employment within hotels and restaurants increased by 14%, and in addition to this, employment surrounding the sporting and cultural sector increased by 24%. Gratton (et al. 2005) confirmed that this level of increase within employment, was not dissimillar to Commonwealth games events that had preceded 2002, these games maintained employment distribution levels that were rather consistent.
In her research, Camilla Lewis discusses the potential dislocation and uncertainty that is surrounding East Manchester. Within Beswick, she concluded that the despite critiques claiming that in the process of regeneration the community were in direct opposition to each other, this was not the case. To further this, the regeneration of East Manchester has come under opposition, due to what Lewis (2015) specifies as the support for entrepreneurial forms of urbanism. This has notable consequences to deprived areas, which according to Raco (2003), have been severly damaging as regenerative efforts have not been able to achieve crucial benefits for the local residents. However, as Lewis (2015) noted, many of the residents of east Manchester stayed true to their identity and place of being, often bringing up the history when the future looked uncertain; suggesting that personal and place identity shape who we are, said Massey (1995).
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The location of the main stadia and venues were in East Manchester with Smith and Fox (2007) stating that this was of no coincidence, and the venues had been deliberatly located here as the area was in desperate need of regeneration. Smith and Fox (2007) add to this point by indicating that despite the location, the games did not assist in an already developed plan, but rather prompted the regenerative effort after the decision was made to to award Manchester with the Commonwealth Games. However, for Horne (2007) these sports stadia and often other infrastructure are tools of misleading governments and the public in order secure an increased amount of investment for future projects approved; a point that is supported by Flyvbjerg (2014) who added that if the people knew the real cost of the projects such as sports stadiums from the start, no project would ever be approved.
The Four ‘Knowns’ of Sports
Mega-Events
The City council of Barcelona believed that the games were able to help transform the city from a typically industrial city, to one that was postmodern and flexible (University of Lugano, 2005). In addition, after the Dictator Franco’s regime ended, Barcelona found itself underdeveloped after years of neglect, which had to be counteracted. Where Barcelona had a regime that denied it the chance of development, Manchester had years of steady post-industrial decline, but both share the fact they hosted a mega sporting event as a root to their regeneration success stories. The dominant focus of the organisers on reversing the neglect and hindered evolution of the city is reinforced by Varley (1992), who revealed 83% of total expenditure from the Games was invested into urban renewal, rather than into Sport; including a rerouting of the coastal railways system, improvements made to the city’s metro system, the airport was expanded and redesigned, and the telecommunication systems were upgraded and modernised (Varsey, 1992). Essex and Chalkley (1998) agreed with this point, by adding that the games had become the most recognised example of outstanding urban development, where the games have triggered large scale urban enhancement, having a substantial effect on the host city. and this is still true today, with no other Olympic games having the same effect.
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Gold and Gold (2008), furthered this point by indicating that the Games were able to become a meritorious case of success, restoring the Summer Olympics as the acme of events for place marketers and urban regenerators (Gold & Gold, 2008). Ferrari and Guala (2017) expressed that as wellas being a succes, the games and the subsequent legacy was able to completely transform the city’s image from industrial, to that of an attractive cultural tourist hot spot (Ferrari & Guala, 2017).
The similarities between Barcelona and Manchester, pre-games, are exceptional. Barcelona was suffering from a deterioration of its traditional economic base of engineering and other forms of manufacturing since the 1970s and 1980s, due to its oversight from Franco’s regime, world recession and the effects of increased global competition; Barcelona had no choice but to re-invent itself or face an uncertain, but inglorious future (Essex & Chalkley, 1998).
This study has been chosen in order to address regeneration at specifically ward level within Ancoats and Clayton, Bradford and Gorton.
-Communities
The aims of the research are to:
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The objectives of the research are to:
Research questions
The aim of thi research will be answered through the chosen research questions:
1) To examine the community perceptions and involvement in the regeneration from the Games.
2) To examine the distribution levels of regeneration within the chosen wards.
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3) To establish the aspects of regeneration that have developed East Manchester
4) To establish how the Games have been able to change and adapt the image perceptions of east Manchester.
5) To establish what still needs to be done in order to ensure the continued legacy of regeneration.
3.0 Research Methodology
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Methodology ‘refers to the overall approach to the research process, from the theoretical underpinning to the collection and analysis of the data’ (Wisker, 2009). The aim of this chapter is to identify and discuss my chosen data collection and data analysis methods that have been used as part of this research project. Throughout, reasons and justifications for my methods will be used. All chosen methodological approaches for the researc have taken careful deliberation over concerning factors including time, available resources, ethics and any other limitations. This is to demonstrate that my chosen methods are not simply good options, rather that they have worked the best when they have been deployed (Denscombe 2012).
Data collection is broken down into two areas, primary and secondary data. Primary data is data that has been collected by the researcher for the specific research problem at hand, using practical methods that fit the research best (Hox and Boeije 2005). In addition to this, each time primary data is collected, new collections are added to the existing stores of knowledge, increasingly this material created by other researchers becomes available to be re-used by the research community; it is then that this data can be defined as secondary (Hox and Boeije 2005). Effectively, this data has been collected for a different purpose, to be re-used for a different research question.
Primary data involves the first-hand analysis of the data collected, whereas data achieved through the process of secondary data collection, will involve the re-analysis of said data
After careful deliberation regarding the strengths and weaknesses of primary and secondary data collection, it was decided to proceed with a mixed method. The mixed method approach is critical for this research project, allowing for significant, primary data to be collected in addition to secondary data that is vital for critical analysis.
When undertaking any primary data collection, the researcher must first make an informed decision on the type of data they are collecting; quantitative, qualitative or a mix of both methods.
There are two types of research methods, Quantitative and Qualitative. Both these methods involve significantly different paradigms as stated by Holliday (2007). Quantitative research is a method of data collection that is primarily objective and used to acquire results from pre-created hypotheses and concepts to develop a theory. Whereas qualitative research is primarily an inaugural process which involves understanding of the complexity, detail and the context of the designated research subject (Hox and Boeije 2005) . Quantitative research is seen as the more simple option in terms of analytical opportunities as it deals with facts and numbers, rather than being subjective. FIGURE below highlights the key differences between qualitative and quantitative research.
Qualitative Research | Quantitative Research | |
Objective | To gain a detailed understanding of underlying reasons, beliefs, motivations | To quantify data and extrapolate results to a broader population |
Purpose | To understand why? How? What are the influences or contexts? | To measure, count, quantify a problem. Relationships in data |
Data | Textual Data | Numerical data |
Study Population | Small number of participants or interviewees, selected non-randomly |
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