Ethnographic Study on Cross-Community Legislation in Northern Ireland

Proposed Dissertation Research Abstract

2018 will mark the twentieth anniversary of Northern Ireland’s key peace agreement: the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement. Despite a lot of progress around ending state and paramilitary violence, it is not clear whether “peace” has been achieved in Northern Ireland. I intend to follow peace as an analytical object throughout Northern Ireland’s political, legal, and social lives. In the political realm, the Northern Ireland Assembly has had a precarious position with politicians and civil servants navigating histories of conflict (and party agendas) while also trying to create “shared futures.” I seek to understand how legislation related to “cross-community” efforts create new questions regarding culture, heritage, transnational conflicts, and, ultimately, what peace is and can be for Northern Ireland. Methodologically, I will engage two sets of ethnographic sites within Northern Ireland: 1. institutions, such as city councils, political parties, and the national legislative assembly, and 2. the everyday life of individuals in non-institutional spaces. Both fields will help me discover a diverse range of perspective about politics and the history of Northern Ireland’s conflict. I contend that peace serves as a connection between the law and everyday life, especially in the realm of legislation. My project seeks to understand these connections and their larger implications for post-conflict anthropology and the anthropology of Europe. We can better understand peace as a larger entity for anthropology if we understand how Northern Ireland’s laws and social life are engaged in new forms of national transformation and reconciliation. Northern Ireland is its own place but it has larger engagements in Europe, transitional justice, and human rights discourse. Peace is the same. Issues of culture, society, and politics all become intertwined within this project. From there, the larger implications for theory in anthropology and the specificity of understanding under-studied nations also come into play.

Narrative Statement:

I propose to spend two months this summer in Northern Ireland to shadow and interview elected officials, party workers, and civil servants who are active in political affairs. I seek to engage multiple political parties and legislative representatives to get a diverse perspective on how legal services are provided and post-conflict transition is constructed through the law. My focus on legislation is particularly important as a means of rethinking how legal anthropology, human rights, and European studies are understood in the Northern Ireland context. I am interested in problematizing the role of the politician as a legislator of “shared futures” with “cross community” input (from formally conflicting parties) and the politician as a provider of social services that create community to think through larger questions related to peace and justice in post-conflict settings. More broadly, this experience will influence my larger questions regarding how peace, law, and social life all come together in Northern Ireland. While I made some initial connections and worked for the Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly from 2015-2016, I still have several preliminary questions and ideas for my future dissertation field site.

What Citation Formats Do You Support?

We hear “Can you write in APA or MLA?” all the time—and the answer’s a big yes, plus way more! Our writers are wizards with every style—APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Turabian, you name it—delivering flawless formatting tailored to your assignment. Whether it’s a tricky in-text citation or a perfectly styled reference list, they’ve got the skills to make your paper academically spot-on.

2018 is an
important year for peace in Northern Ireland. It will be the twentieth
anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, the document that created peace and created
transitional justice standards for Northern Ireland. Also known as the Belfast
Agreement, the document came after years of conflict, known as “the Troubles”,
that was rooted in issues of politics, religion, ethnicity, and paramilitary
organizations. Yet, despite these agreements, peace and reconciliation still
remain elusive within Northern Ireland.  As of January 1, 2018, there is no functioning
national legislative body and a potential crisis at the border with the
Republic of Ireland as the United Kingdom negotiates its exit from the European
Union. Since 1998, the Northern Ireland Assembly and a variety of local city
councils have operated in constant flux with different political parties
navigating cross-community legislation to produce shared futures” between
Protestants and Catholics religiously and Unionists (those aligned with the UK)
and Nationalists (those seeking a united Ireland) politically. Along with this
legislation, these political bodies also attempt to provide legal services and
representations their respective voters. I seek to understand how issues of
peace are negotiated by these legislative bodies and how individuals obtain
legal services during these periods of flux.

Legislation is a
key component for my research. The Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly is the
only self-determined lawmaking institution in Northern Ireland. While some
major government projects like budgets and judicial decisions are made outside
of the nation, the Assembly serves as a site for local issues of increasing
important such as policing, same-sex marriage, and agriculture. However, the
Assembly only functions at the will of the nation’s political parties. Without
a functioning legislature, Northern Ireland is subject to “direct rule” or
governance from the Westminster parliament in England instead of direct
representation. As of January 2018, Northern Ireland is facing direct rule even
as major questions such as Brexit come to the surface. I seek to understand why
legislation does (or does not matter) in Northern Ireland, especially to
political parties, as a means of peace-making and state practice. The Good
Friday Agreement was essential for creating the Northern Ireland Assembly as
part of Northern Ireland peace process. However, the Assembly’s current
jeopardy also puts the Agreement in a precarious position. Without a
functioning legislature, the central documents that create circumstances for
peace will also be put into precarious positions. Peace, thus, becomes a key
link for understanding legislation within Northern Ireland’s society. It is an
analytical object that impacts people, places, and institutions to create new
meaning and ideas within political and legal realms.

This summer will
be preliminary and feasibility work for my overall dissertation research. I
plan on making affiliations with multiple political parties and shadowing
Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) and City Council Councilors for four
different areas in Northern Ireland: the capital city Belfast, the city
Derry/Londonderry, the city of Newry (that is both in County Down & County
Armagh), and the town of Bangor in County Down. As I describe below, each of
these places have a unique place in Northern Ireland’s political landscape and
each has its own history regarding the Troubles. With these locations in mind,
I am in communication with multiple political parties that are active in all or
most of these areas.

Over the past
three years, I have been doing background research on the history of Northern
Ireland’s political system. Currently, the two largest political parties in
Northern Ireland are Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party. Sinn Féin is
the largest Catholic-affiliated party in Northern Ireland and is the center of
the Republican movement for a united Ireland. The Democratic Unionist Party (or
DUP) is the largest Protestant-affiliated party and is connected to the
Unionist movements to continue Northern Ireland’s allegiance with the United
Kingdom. The fall of 2017 has been a period of intense negotiation among the
DUP and Sinn Féin in an attempt to keep the Legislative Assembly in operation.
Despite their ideological opposition, both parties were part of a power-sharing
agreement until March of 2017 that required them to form a government (since
they have the most seats in the Assembly respectively). Since March, the
government has been adjourned and new negotiations are ongoing.

Are Paper Services Legal?

Yes, completely! They’re a valid tool for getting sample papers to boost your own writing skills, and there’s nothing shady about that. Use them right—like a study guide or a model to learn from—and they’re a smart, ethical way to level up your grades without breaking any rules.

While the DUP and
Sinn Féin are the largest parties, there are several other parties that I am
interested in engaging with. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) are
a moderate Catholic Nationalist party that seeks a United Ireland but are
primarily connected to the Catholic Church. The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) is
a moderate unionist and Protestant party that has joined with the SDLP to form
an “opposition” to the DUP and Sinn Féin government in the Assembly. However,
not all parties choose to designate themselves as part of the historical
conflict based identification of “Nationalist” or “Unionist.” Instead, parties
have chosen to designate themselves as “Other.” This “Other” designation is
significant given the historical implications that Unionist and Nationalist
have within the Troubles. To be “Other” is to subvert historical tensions and
engage in new directions for Northern Ireland beyond the conflict. The largest
of the “Other” parties is the Alliance Party (which was also the first party to
elect a person of color to the Assembly) and up until Spring of 2016 was the
party chosen to hold the Justice Ministry since the Department of Justice is a
very contentious part of Northern Ireland politics (the Minister up until the
Assembly dissolvent in March of 2017 was an Independent who was designated as
Unionist). Smaller parties such as the Green Party (dedicated to progressive
issues) and People Before Profit (an urban party dedicated to progressive and
socialist agendas) are also active in left-wing progressive organizing around
the nation. I have chosen to focus on parties that have had seats in the
Northern Ireland Assembly and have full political agendas (as opposed to one
issue parties such as those dedicated to legalizing marijuana).

I was very lucky
to connect with members of all of these parties during my M.A. studies at
Queen’s University, Belfast and these previous connections will help make this
research project go smoothly. I have written to representatives of each party
to begin scheduling opportunities to shadow either an elected representative or
a party worker in either the Assembly or local Council office and in their
local party constituency office. If all goes well, I will visit each office and
spend time in different places to understand community relationships and local
political actions. I will see how the different offices function and how they
contrast to each other especially when it comes to the office function. I am
curious about how the legislative offices handle issues of cross-community
support in different ways than constituency service work handles them. I would
also like to see how party works and politicians interact with each other and
those who elected them.

The summer is an
important time in Northern Ireland. Most government institutions go into recess
for late June and part of July but a lot of key work is happening on the
community level. So, while I look forward to understanding the role of law in
peace and reconciliation in the future, this summer will be entirely engaged in
politics. One key event is the 12^th of July. The Twelfth, as it is
known, is a holiday in the Protestant community and is a commemoration of King
William of Orange’s victory in the Battle of the Boyne. Many members of the
Protestant community, especially the Orange Order religious organizations, march
in parades throughout the nation (and often in predominantly Catholic areas)
that celebrate issues of heritage, tradition, and culture. This event is
particularly relevant to Northern Ireland politics because it evokes many
questions about the right to march in parades and raise sectarian flags that
were foundational to the peace process. The Protestant community argues that
these parades are part of their cultural and political identity while Catholics
argue that these events are often forms of community intimidation (Bryan 2000).
I hope to spend the evening of July 11^th at different bonfire events
that start of the festivities and then I will spend the parade day in different
parts of Belfast beginning in the center of the city and moving south.
Depending on my connections, I hope to also view the parades with different
people with a variety of community and political affiliations throughout the
day.

How Much for a Paper?

Prices start at $10 per page for undergrad work and go up to $21 for advanced levels, depending on urgency and any extras you toss in. Deadlines range from a lightning-fast 3 hours to a chill 14 days—plenty of wiggle room there! Plus, if you’re ordering big, you’ll snag 5-10% off, making it easier on your wallet while still getting top-notch quality.

My field sites are
geographically and politically diverse around Northern Ireland. I hope to
experience a variety of locations to get multiple perspectives on the political
situation in Northern Ireland. I seek to understand the diversity and unique
politics of each place while also seeking my own specific space for my larger
dissertation field work. I hope to begin and end in Belfast, the capital city
and site of the Northern Ireland Assembly. Belfast is a historical site of
violence and is divided into four specific quadrants. North and South Belfast
are politically mixed areas with South Belfast having a reputation for
multi-ethnic and other forms of geopolitical diversity (it is also where
Queen’s University is located). East Belfast is historically a major Protestant
area while the West of the city is historically Catholic. Like Belfast, the
city of Derry/Londonderry also has key historical divisions. As its name
suggests, most Catholics and nationalists call the city Derry and most
Protestants and unionists call it Londonderry. Most official documents and the
Assembly use both names. Derry/Londonderry is also known as a city of walls
because of it the walls that divide it (Belfast also has peace walls but they
are more modern).It is the site of
the 1972 Bloody Sunday altercation between Civil Rights protestors and the
British Army (who had been deployed to quell paramilitary activity). Like
Derry/Londonderry, Newry was also a site of Civil Rights marches. The City of
Newry is near the border with the Republic of Ireland and is a working-class
area. It has historically been a very Catholic part of Northern Ireland but
also has some mixed communities. Finally, I hope to spend some time in Bangor,
a town and almost suburb of Belfast that is along the coast. Bangor is a mixed
and upper middle-class community that was the first constituency to elect a
member of the Green party. Historically it has had a slightly higher rate of Protestants
but voters have tended to be less ideologically extreme. I plan on engaging
each place in its own terms and political histories while also considering how
they shape all of Northern Ireland’s legal structure and peace process today.

My larger
dissertation project seeks to understand the theory behind peace and Northern
Ireland’s place within the anthropology of Europe. I seek to use methods and
ideas from legal and political anthropology to unpack issues of culture and
representation in post-conflict institutional rebuilding. I hope to begin
long-term field work in Northern Ireland in the fall of 2019 and will spend at
least a year doing ethnographic interviews and continuing to shadow
politicians. Depending on my fieldwork this summer, 2018, I will choose my
long-term field sites and begin the process of making long-term plans with
individuals and institutions.  My perfect
fieldwork situation would allow me to have access to the Northern Ireland
Assembly while simultaneously engaging with several political parties both
inside and outside of the government buildings. If the current government
impasse continues in Northern Ireland and the Assembly ceases to function, I
will move towards focusing on local councils with specific emphasis on Belfast
City Council.

My project is
rooted in the ethnographic method. It is very important for me to hear from the
perspective of multiple interlocutors. Participant observation will help me
understand the subjectivity of peace within Northern Ireland and how different
communities are represented (or not) in Northern Irish politics. During my long-term
fieldwork I will seek to connect with to the Jewish, Muslim, Chinese, and
Polish communities in Belfast in order to understand their place in Northern
Irish political discourse and how their communities are part of post-conflict
legal rebuilding. I do not know what upcoming legislation will be on the agenda
but I am following the workings of the Assembly and other legal bodies to plan
for what specific issues will come up during my larger dissertation research
fieldwork.

My work seeks to re-think legal anthropology through legislation and, more importantly, to engage new ideas about how to create peace. While scholars like Sally Merry have taken on courts, Emma Crewe has worked in Westminster, and Stanley Tambiah has theorized issues of reconciliation in ethnic conflict, there has yet to be a complete ethnographic investigation into post-conflict rebuilding that is focused on legislation as a peace-making tool. My work also questions the role of Northern Ireland as a part of studies of Europe and how the anthropology of Europe can and will engage the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland as Brexit and international agreements change. We are in an age where peace must be analyzed but also theorized. Peace must be examined and also deconstructed. My work takes on all of these issues and seeks to compel ideas about how to create justice through legislation and peace through cross-community engagement.

Will Anyone Find Out I Used You?

Nope—your secret’s locked down tight. We encrypt all your data with top-tier security, and every paper’s crafted fresh just for you, run through originality checks to prove it’s one-of-a-kind. No one—professors, classmates, or anyone—will ever know you teamed up with us, guaranteed.

Works Cited:

• Bryan, Dominic. 2000. Orange Parades: The Politics of Ritual, Tradition, and Control. London Pluto Press.
• Crewe, Emma. 2015. The House of Commons: An Anthropology of MPs at Work. London and Oxford: Bloomsbury Publishing.
• Merry, Sally Engle. 1990. Getting Justice and Getting Even: Legal Consciousness Among Working Class Americans. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Tambiah, Stanley J. 1997. Leveling Crowds: Ethnonationalist Conflict and Collective Violence in South Asia. Oakland: University of California Press.